Everything you ever wanted to know about Mozart and Salieri

Albert I. Borowitz, “Salieri and the ‘Murder’ of Mozart.”  The Musical Quarterly 59.2 (1973), pp. 268-79.

Nadezhda Mandlestam (tr. McLean), Mozart and Salieri, Ardis Publishers, 1973.

Alexander Pushkin, tr. Anderson, “Mozart and Salieri” in The Little Tragedies, Yale, 2000.

Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov, Mozart und Salieri, (1980 performance, Janowski conducting), Eterna. 1993.

Antonio Salieri, Concerto for Fortepiano and Orchestra in C Major and Concerto for Fortepiano and Orchestra in Bb Major, performed by Andreas Staier with Concerto Köln, Das Alte Werke, 2008.

 Peter Shaffer / Milos Forman, Amadeus.

The Mozart and Salieri legend reached its highest point in the early 20th century, when Anna Akhmatova and Osip Mandelstam developed a metaphysics of poetry holding that for poetry to be great, the “Mozart principle” and the “Salieri principle” must both be satisfied. The “Mozart principle” (also called “the impulse” or “the work of the poet”) is what we would call “inspiration”, whereas the Salieri principle, “the work of the artist”,  was craft and laborious effort. Since Akhmatova and Mandelstam gave poetry an implausibly high ontological status, what they did was to designate fundamental aspects of the structure of the universe with the names of these two musicians, and while there may have been some (e.g. Theodor Adorno) who would have felt this justified in the case of Mozart,  giving that degree of importance to Salieri seems excessive.   Whatever happened between Mozart and Salieri, if anything did, was at best just a vicious instance of Holy Roman court intrigue, whereas at worst nothing happened at all and the story was nothing but a lying slander. These are not the sorts of things we generally want to put into our metaphysical  systems.

Akhmatova and Mandelstam’s Mozart / Salieri antithesis can be traced back to Pushkin’s “little tragedy” Mozart and Salieri. Akhmatova claimed that Mozart in that play represented Pushkin’s Polish friend Adam Mickiewicz, who improvised poetry with great ease, and that Salieri represented Pushkin himself, who wrote slowly and painfully (as Akhmatova was able to show on the evidence of Pushkin’s drafts):

Akhmatova maintained that Mozart personified Mickiewicz with his spontaneity  and that Pushkin identified himself and his work with Salieri. I was very much amazed by this idea: it had always seemed to me that precisely in Mozart I had recognized Pushkin – carefree, idle, but such a genius that everything comes to him easily and simply…. Due to academic ignorance we think that “inspired” poetry does not demand the slightest labor.

Mandelstam, p. 15

 Mandelstam picked up the idea and ran with it:

In his articles from the year 1922 Mandelstam twice repudiated Mozart and extolled Salieri…..Mozart, who is led by impulses, is a blind man; Salieri, the intellectual principle, is a leader

Mandelstam, pp. 18 and 89.

However, he later qualified his position:

In every poet there is both a Mozart and a Salieri

(Mandelstam, p.18)

Akhmatova dropped the theory of Pushkin’s Salierianism. But by then Salieri had become one of the fundamental metaphysical principles of creation. It was Akhmatova who had named these two principles, about which  Nadezhka Mandelstam is skeptical:

 Dostoevsky distinguished two stages in the creation of the thing – the work of a poet and the work of an artist. Was there in such a division and exact understanding of the essence of the work of the artist? Most likely this was simply still another conventional division of the two principles of creative work. In Akhmatova’s conversation these two principles were called “Mozart” and “ Salieri”, although in fact the “little tragedy” provides no basis for such a generalization.

Mandelstam, pp. 83-4

Before going to Akhmatova and Mandelstam’s source in Pushkin, it’s worth taking a quick look at Rimsky-Korsakoff’s opera Mozart and Salieri, the libretto of which was, almost word-for-word, Pushkin’s play. It has also been suggested that Rimsky-Korsakoff identified himself with Salieri and his friend Musorgsky with Mozart. The fit here is much better than with Mickiewicz and Pushkin. Like Pushkin’s Mozart, Musorgsky was dissolute, and like Mickiewicz, he was famous for his improvisations. Like Salieri, Rimsky-Korsakoff was a schooled musician who followed the rules and worked steadily, and like Pushkin’s Salieri, Rimsky-Korsakoff suspected that his irregular, wasted, self-taught friend was the greater artist (which turned out to be true).

Even the form of Rimsky-Korsakoff’s Mozart and Salieri can be thought of as Musorgskyian. The first composer to score a written text exactly rather than adapting it for musical purposes was the minor Russian composer Dargomizhky in his opera The Stone Guest (from Puskin’s “little tragedy” version of the Don Juan story), but the second composer to do this was Musorgsky. (With Ravel and others this innovation became influential).

In Pushkin’s play, Salieri speaks of his laborious dedication to craft,  and this is one of the principles  with which Mandelstam identified himself, contrasting himself to some of his contemporaries (for example Bryusov, named on p. 50):

Early I refused all idle amusements;

To know anything other than music

Was hateful to me.  Stubbornly and proudly

I denied all else and gave myself up

To music alone. The first steps were hard

And the first path was tedious. I overcame

My early difficulties. I gave craft

Its place as the foundation of my art; I made myself a craftsman; my fingers

Acquired obedient, cold dexterity

And my ear, accuracy. I killed sounds,

Dissected music like a corpse. I put harmony

To the test of algebra. Only after that,

Experienced in my studies, did I dare

Allow myself the luxury of creative dreams.

 Pushkin, p. 56, lines 8-24

Salieri also speaks of the dignity of the artist, and I suspect that Mandelstam has this in mind too:

Where is rightness, when the sacred gift,

Immortal genius, comes not as a reward

For ardent love and self-renunciation,

Labor, zeal, diligence and prayers –

But bestows its radiant halo on a madman

Who idly strolls through life. Oh, Mozart, Mozart!

Pushkin, p. 57, lines 116-26

Salieri’s attitude toward Mozart has theological overtones. The lines above seem to echo the debate about forgiveness and faith versus works, with Mozart the prodigal son who is saved despite his flaws and Salieri the resentful older brother. In the following passage, Salieri seems to be speaking as a representative of the Church of Art, a corporate entity which is greater than any individual artist, even the greatest among them:

No! I cannot set myself against

My destiny – I am the one who’s been chosen

To stop him – or else we all will perish,

All of us, priests and servitors of music,

Not only I with my empty glory…

What is the use if Mozart lives

And even achieves still greater heights?

What he does – will it elevate Art? No,

It will fall again when he has vanished;

No heir of his will remain among us.

Pushkin, p. 60, lines 116-126.

Now we must ask ourselves: did Salieri actually poison Mozart? Borowitz’s article covers the topic quite well, and I will summarize it:

1. The medical evidence is completely inconclusive. The medicine of the time was crude, there was no autopsy, and cliodiagnostics is famous for its wild inaccuracy (or at least, it should be. Poe: not an alcoholic. Nietzsche: not syphilitic).

2. During that period, poisoning was a fairly common murder method. Rumors about poisonings were rife (not just about Mozart), and actual poisonings were not rare. At that time the Austro-Hungarian Empire remained medieval and even claimed still to be the Holy Roman Empire.

3. Salieri was a rival of Mozart and often did him harm, though they were socially friendly. Salieri publicly admired Mozart’s music, though he could have just been covering his tracks. On the other hand, one rumor that influenced Pushkin has been shown to have been false.

4. It is well-attested that in the months before his death Mozart did believe that he was being poisoned. The Mozart family talked about the rumors for decades, without seeming to come to any conclusion about them. (After Mozart’s death, Salieri taught Mozart’s son). Beethoven, a friend and admirer of both men, seems not to have believed the rumors, but others did.

5.  The rumors became especially loud after 1823, 31 years after Mozart’s death, apparently in connection with some court intrigue of that time. (These would have been the rumors that inspired Pushkin’s play). As time went on, the rumors became more and more lurid and anti-Semitic, and eventually they were picked up by Nazis.

6. Salieri died in a state of dementia after an unsuccessful suicide attempt. On his deathbed he denied the poisoning rumors to at least one person. A report that he confessed on his deathbed is highly unreliable.

We are left with the peculiarly unsatisfactory conclusion that these rumors cannot be dismissed, but are impossible to prove or disprove, and that this situation which seems highly unlikely ever to change. We are left with the original question: how could a scandal of this type ever give its name to a deep metaphysical principle?

To begin with, Akhmatova and Mandelstam’s Salieri and Mozart are entirely based on Pushkin. Pushkin seems to have taken the story at face value, but it seems unlikely that his use of this story in his play was intended as serious history. Akhmatova’s theory that Mozart represents Mickiewicz is on the whole doubtful. It may be that the contrast between hard-working Salieri and fast-working Mozart was based on the Pushkin / Mickiewicz contrast, but Salieri’s criticism of Mozart’s frivolity also could have been (and was) applied to Pushkin (by Bestuzhev and Zhukovsky).  On the other hand, Salieri’s feelings about the dignity of art seem to have been shared by Mandelstam (and Akhmatova).

You also have to wonder whether Mandelstam was teasing or simply being perverse, since the only alternative theory is that he was poorly-informed and that his understanding of the world was bizarre. As for the perversity theory, Nadezhka Mandelstam says (p. 9) that Mandelstam was a hopeless debater… It was easy to draw him into a debate about general philosophical problems. She also reports (p. 13) that Akhmatova, “knowing how difficult it was to get anything sensible out of him [Mandelstam]” would ask questions of Nadezhka, rather than her husband, whenever she wanted to find out what Mandelstam really thought about anything.

If you accept the alternative theory, that Mandelstam was serious, it makes Mandelstam seem tobe the inhabitant of in a hothouse, funhouse-mirror world where the compass points east and west. He gets everything wrong, and one wonders how he could have come up with the Mozart-Salieri principle if he had ever listened to either composer. Mandelstam’s Mozart was a free-wheeling, expressive romantic who composes on impulse, but Mozart’s music is formally more demanding than Salieri’s.  Mozart just worked faster, possibly  because he started his training at an earlier age and as a result was the more masterful craftsman, but maybe just because he had the habit of working things out in his head before writing them down. As for the dignity of the artist, Mozart was hardly the clown Salieri thought he was, and it seems likely that Salieri’s accusations against Mozart are standing in for similar accusations made against Pushkin, whom Mandelstam worshipped.

Mandelstam’s metaphysical elevation of Pushkin’s two characters is all the stranger because real models for Mandelstam’s models did exist, but Mandelstam got all the names wrong. In the role of the hard-working, serious-minded, angsty composer who works slowly and does not rely on inspiration, Beethoven would have been a far better choice than the lightweight Salieri. Beethoven’s worksheets were famously messy, and his themes would go through many different versions before one was finally regarded as acceptable. For another example, when Mandelstam writes “Shame on you, French Romantics, wretched “ incroyables” in red vests” (p. 86), the “red vest” stands for Theophile Gautier’s and his famous red garment (whatever it was) at the premiere of Hugo’s play Hernani in 1830. But Gautier (like Baudelaire, Valery, and other French Symbolists) wanted art to be difficult:

Oui, l’œuvre sort plus belle
D’une forme au travail
            Rebelle,
Vers, marbre, onyx, émail.

L’Art

Mandelstam really meant Hugo himself, a poetry machine literally produced poetry in his sleep, automatically and without thought. (Though it may be that Gautier just didn’t have enough angst.)

Since Mandelstam (who I am unable to read), has been hailed as the greatest poet of the 20th century, it seems best to conclude that he wasn’t an idiot, and that the names he chose for his metaphysical principles were just perverse. And in opinion, metaphysical perversity is a very good thing.

APPENDIX ONE:

AMADEUS (THE MOVIE)

Most people know about Mozart and Salieri, if at all, through the crappy 1984  movie Milos Forman made from Peter Shaffer’s play Amadeus (and Falco’s even crappier techno song). Shaffer and Forman let people think that they were being bold and transgressive and postmodern and hip, when they were actually just ripping off one of the classics of Russian literature.

I have nothing against frank portraits of famous people, and if  Mozart’s flirtatious offer to shit in his lovely cousin’s mouth had been part of Shaffer and Forman’s movie, no one would have been more delighted than me. This would have helped broaden the minds of puritanical Americans, for whom this form of sophisticated Viennese banter seems “strange” or “gross”. But copraphagy is the last great taboo, and they left that out. They just did a pop-psych thing showing him to be the most annoying asshole in the universe, which he was not.

APPENDIX TWO:

MICKIEWICZ AND TCHAIKOVSKY

Just to complete the circle: Pushkin’s friend Mickiewicz was a Polish nationalist who died in the Ottoman Empire, where many Polish nationalists went so that they could fight against Russia. (There was a Polish-speaking village in Turkey up until fairly recently). One of the leaders of these nationalists was Michał Czajkowski, also a poet, who converted to Islam and took the name Sadyk Pasha. Czajkowski is just the Polish spelling of Tchaikovsky (also spelled Tschaikowski Čajkovskij, Ciajkovskij, Chaikovski, Tsjaikovski, Tjajkovskij, Tchaikovski, Chaikovsky, Chaykovsky, Chaikovskiy, Chaykovskiy, Chaikovskii, Čajkovskij, and Čajkovski)

Because of his Polish namesake, Musorgsky maliciously called the Russian composer Tchaikovsky (now famous as the inventor of lite classics) “Sadyk Pasha”.  Musorgsky’s group of nationalist composers was feuding with the more scholastic Russian Music Society, to which Tchaikovsky belonged, and called them “the Germans” because they promoted German music. (Before a certain point in history Jews could easily be stereotyped as Germans). The only other members of the RMS I can find are Anton Rubinstein, Nikolai Rubinstein, and Nikolai Zaremba, all of whom are more or less forgotten today, whereas the mostly self-taught nationalist musicians Musorgsky, Borodin, and Balakirev (but not Cui) are still played. Rimsky-Korsakoff started off with the nationalists but ended up studying with the Germans.

I have wondered whether Mandelstam’s initial willingness to misrepresent Mozart as a bad guy might have been a hangover of the Russian composers’ nationalistic anti-German feeling, but it seems more likely that he would have sided with the formalist Germans of the Russian Musical Society.

Published in: on May 20, 2012 at 8:46 pm  Leave a Comment  

A Study of Shen Dao

(This study is meant to accompany my translation of Shen Dao

Chinese text of Shen Dao, not exactly the same as the one translated).

I

Shen Dao was a Hundred Schools philosopher resident at the Jixia Academy in Qi sometime between 350 BC and 275 BC. Xunzi criticized him, Xunzi’s student Han Feizi credited as as one of three masters of Legalism along with Shang Yang and Shen Buhai, and the author of the Tianxia chapter of Zhuangzi discussed him at some length, so we can be sure that he existed, at least, and was not purely legendary.

The Hundred Schools era was perhaps the most fertile period in the history of Chinese philosophy, but its texts have been decimated and many figures are known only as names. In the case of Shen Dao, the available material consists of a late text called the Shenzi, the three discussions mentioned above, and scattered quotations and anecdotes of widely differing value. Thompson has carefully edited the fragments that remain and I have used his text.

Shen Dao is sometimes classified as a Daoist, sometimes as a Legalist, and sometimes as a follower of Huanglao, but these late retrospective classifications are not very helpful. There were no actual Daoist, Legalist, or Huanglao schools comparable to the Mohist and Confucian schools, so these classifications merely serve to lump tendencies, and I think that insofar as these three labels mean anything, they are all applicable to Shen Dao.1 Thompson’s texts are of the Legalist / Huanglao type, rather than the mystical sort cited by Zhuangzi, but this may just be an accident of preservation.

Given the decimation of sources, it’s hard to discuss the history of Chinese philosophy during that era without the help of speculative assumptions. The dates of the DDJ are even more uncertain than Shen Dao’s, but it seems that at the time when the Guodian texts were interred, the 81-chapter DDJ had not yet been compiled. We aren’t sure of the date of the Guodian tomb either, but it is notable that none of the passages in the DDJ closest to Shen Dao (in chapters 27, 49, 61, 62) are found in the Guodian text. I have assumed that Shen Dao was earlier than or contemporary to the authors of the later parts of the DDJ and that they were aware of his work and were responding to it and adapting it. By and large I think that it is more likely that the late authors of the DDJ were borrowing Shen Dao’s ideas than the other way around, but back-and-forth communication might have been possible. During the vigorous debates of that period, free-lancing “persuaders” freely adapted, borrowed, or stole one another’s ideas.

Beside the question of Shen Dao’s supposed school is the question as to whether he’s a mystic, a political philosopher, or the author of a management handbook. Again, the answer seems to be “all three”. During the three centuries or so between Confucius’ era and the establishment of the Qin empire, Chinese government and society underwent a revolutionary transformation, and China’s tiny literate elite of that time was so completely committed to government service that in effect, a new kind of manhad to be produced to serve the new kind of state (or, in the case of Yang Zhu and Zhuang Zhou, to withdraw from it)2. Shen Dao’s new man may have been a mystic, but he was also a bland civil servant who was just doing his job.

This political and social transformation can be described as a rationalization or modernization and is identified with Legalism. Already in Confucius’ time rulers advised by obscure proto-Legalists were taking steps to improve agriculture and increase the efficiency of tax collection in order to increase state revenues. Revenues were spent on the military and on the splendour of the court, and the wars, if successful, would gain the ruler even more taxpaying farmland and make possible even more spending. Confucius opposed all of this, even the development of agriculture, and was only interested in maintaining a moralized and reformed version of the traditional ways (Analects XI-16, XII-7, XII-9, XIII-4).

There are two pitfalls to be avoided when discussing this transformation. On the one hand, modernization and rationalization sound like good things, but when you translate them into “Squeeze as much tax money as you can out of the miserable peasantry so that you can afford to send large numbers of them off on endless bloody wars of conquest”, it doesn’t seem quite so wonderful, and it is tempting to identify the new rationalized, centralized Chinese states with modern European totalitarian states. However, while there was a murderous dark side to this modernization, but the previous state of affairs had also been far from idyllic, and real administrative and economic improvements were made. Many of the innovations made in China during that era (regarding the selection and supervision of subordinates, for example, or the direct, non-feudal legal and tax obligation of commoners, or the alienability of land) are now routine everywhere in the world. Both public administration and business management today operate mostly on what could be called Legalist principles.

II

Much of Shen Dao’s thinking about government focuses on what is called the “principal / agent” problem: how do you ensure that an official in charge of a government bureau, or a local administrator in a place remote from the capital, will actually work for the public interest (or for the ruler’s interest) rather than using his office to enrich himself and attain his own personal goals. This question was and is central to all political philosophy, and it was necessary to find ways of dealing with this problem before large-scale organizations of any kind could develop.3

Confucius’ answer to this question was that the ruler should appoint men of the highest excellence (xian, “worthies”), men who kept to a high ethical standard and governed their actions according to the models embodied in the ancient traditions. Men of this kind could be expected to do the right thing and need not be closely supervised. Confucius’ philosophy was reactive, a traditionalist response to the cold-blooded rationalization that was already going on, and while many Confucians served honorably as officials during the Warring States period, it is unlikely that any ruler ever even tried to put Confucius’s precepts into effect.

Confucius’ ideal was soon criticized by the Mohists, who also believed that only the excellent should be appointed, but held that they should guide their actions by practicality and results rather than by tradition, and the Mohists also put into place the beginnings a hierarchy of control involving reward and punishment. The goal, however, was still to make everyone good: the subordinates would do good because they were themselves good, but if corrected by their (also good) superiors, they would willingly obey.

Like the Mohists, the Legalists governed to attain results rather than in accordance with tradition. However, they de-emphasized goodness and excellence. The excellent and good were not to be trusted because their obedience was not certain: either from personal pride or from ethical scruples, there would be some orders they would not obey. Instead of the excellent (xian), the Legalists employed the capable (neng) and supervised them closely. As long as a man was good at his job, his personal qualities were irrelevant, and it was not important if he was in some respects mediocre, or even flawed; in one sense flawed human beings were in fact preferred, since they would be grateful for the opportunity, totally dependent on their masters, and willing to do anything. According to this philosophy of government, officials were employees assigned specific tasks, to be rewarded to the extent to which they completed their assignments. They were not being rewarded for their personal excellence, they did not need to serve as shining examples for lesser mortals, and they were not hired to used their own judgment about important questions. Off the job they did not exemplify goodness and excellence; they just lived their lives like any one else and, if successful, enjoyed the rewards of success.

These new officials (regardless of their origins) were employees, not aristocrats. They were expected to be subservient in a way that aristocrats could never be. In the traditional system idealized by Confucius, each official shared in the prestige of government and had his own autonomy. The king, the lesser officials, and the local lords were all nobles and honored personages organized in a ritual hierarchy of respect and deference. The king would consult the officials about important decisions and they would share with him their judgments on the question, which would be based on the officials’ mastery of the traditional precedents. If an official thought that the king’s decision was in error he would remonstrate with him. When Confucius says “The accomplished scholar is not a utensil” (Analects II-12, Legge translation), the word “utensil” (qi *) can also be translated “tool”. Confucian gentlemen were principals, not agents or tools, and they were versatile, not limited to a single purpose. They acted according to their own principles, and the ruler had confidence in them because he knew their principles were good.4

If the tradition had in fact been capable of giving unambiguous answers to every question, and if all participants had been perfectly excellent and good, this system might have worked. As it worked out, however, the Confucian system of personalized government by men of excellence proved highly susceptible to graft, nepotism, and ultimately usurpation — when an excellent minister convinced a group of supporters that he was more excellent than the actual king. Confucius’ men of excellence (worthies, xian) were really just idealized versions of the proud, ambitious, contentious, brawling nobles (or later, ambitious parvenus) characteristic of court life in every civilization.

III

The details of Shen Dao’s philosophy of government, organization, and management can be summed up under five heads: hierarchy, differentiation and delegation, incentives, objectivity, and impersonality.

1. Shen Dao described an organization within which everyone has a clearly defined role and where each official is working on a clearly defined task assigned by his superior.  Everything should be specifically delegated. The ruler must not be hands-on and must not rely on his own abilities, and he should never jump in to do an official’s work. Likewise, officials should never be allowed to perform tasks which properly should be performed either by other officials or by the ruler. There should be no overlapping areas of responsibility, and two officials should never be assigned the same task without one being put in command of the other. For fear of usurpation, however, it also should be forbidden for one official to take on multiple responsibilities, and officials should not go beyond thee orders that they’ve been given (that is, they should not take the initiative). Most of these rules are for the purpose of establishing accountability and a clear chain of command, but some of them also are intended to prevent officials from becoming over-powerful and capable of usurping the throne.

2. Shen Dao is generally regarded as a Legalist, and the Legalists all proposed that incentives rather than exhortation and moral preaching be used for motivation. (In this they differ from the Mohists and Confucians). Shen Dao states this principle very clearly, pointing out that if you can use incentives to align what your subjects want with what you want, you will be successful, but when you ask them to forget what they want and do what you want, you will fail. This sometimes causes the Legalists to be called amoral, but it only means that they did not rely primarily on exhortation and did not require the moral reform of the whole nation in order to make their system work. Of the Legalists, Shang Yang is known for advocating only moderate rewards, but exceptionally harsh penalties such as mutilation and torture, but there’s no evidence that Shen Dao agreed with this, and M108, M116, and M117 suggest that he felt that harsh punishments should be minimized.

3. Like Mozi, Shen Dao advocated impartiality, but he developed the implications of impartiality more fully than Mozi did. Not favoring friends and relations and not diverting money to private ends were just the beginning. An impartial minister will also not allow his own social goals or his own feelings of right and wrong divert him from the fulfillment of his assigned tasks. This is much like contemporary professionalism, according to which lawyers or civil servants must do their jobs regardless of their personal feelings about their clients or about desired social outcomes.

4. The principle of hierarchy is common to almost all Chinese philosophers. A few are leaders, most are led; some command, most obey. Shen Dao goes a step further by requiring that every relationship be hierarchal: whenever two are working together, one shall be in command. Shen Dao is most famous for the concept of * shi, which is a theory of how the nature of power hierarchies and how they are maintained.

Shi * has be translated as “energy”, “position”, “strategic advantage”, “political purchase”, “circumstances”, “disposition”, and propensity. This subtle concept is probably military in origin but plays a role in many areas of Chinese thought. In general it means the instabilities or dynamic tendencies already there in a given situation, which an actor can use to his advantage if he perceives them and puts himself in a favorable position with regard to them. Sunzi uses the metaphor of potential energy — force multipliers like cocked crossbows which can be activated with the mere touch of a trigger. Anyone who understands the shi of a situation, when his enemy doesn’t, is at an enormous advantage, because he can put himself in a position whereby the natural development of the situation does much of his work for him.

In Hanfeizi and Shen Dao this term is rather narrowly used. Shen Dao’s point is that the ruler gets his power, not from his personal qualities or from anything he does himself, but because of his position as ruler, which allows him to get others to do the work for him. Shen Dao makes his point hyperbolically, saying that the most wonderful of the great Sage Kings of legend were powerless before they became kings, whereas the worst of kings had enormous power regardless of their lack of any personal merit, and going on to say that rulers can be better served by inferior men, if they are obedient and competent, than by splendid worthies who end up defying the ruler. But these are only vivid ways of making the major points — the analytic differentiation of the power of office from personal power, and the realistic awareness that government administration is not the establishment of goodness by the good, but is the use of realistic methods to achieve specific practical goals.

In practice, the Legalist application of the doctrine of shi was to ritually emphasize the remoteness and overwhelming power of the ruler and to increase the distance between the ruler and the officials, while especially to organize government in such a way to take away officials’ autonomy and prevent them from gaining any leverage against the ruler (i.e., to keep all shi in the ruler’s hands and prevent the officials from building their own shi).5

IV

The governmental Shen Dao which dominates the Thompson fragments does not much resemble the Shen Dao cited and described by Zhuangzi, though there are a few exceptions, notably #84 and #A5:

81: The virtue essence (德精) is subtle and invisible, acute and inexhaustible. Thus external things do not clog its interior.

A5: Just attain the mindlessness of a thing, and avoid eminence and sageliness: a clod does not depart from the Dao.

Zhuangzi’s Shen Dao seems to be a mystic or a Stoic in search of ataraxia or equanimity:

“Proceed only when pushed,

Start off only when dragged,

As the whirlwind spins,

As the feather turns, As the grindstone revolves,

Being perfect you will have no flaw,

Moving or still you will not err,

Never will you be blamed for anything…”

A thing without knowledge does not have the troubles which come from establishing selfhood or the ties that come from utilizing knowledge; whether moving or still it does not depart from pattern…

 

“Simply attain to being like a thing without knowledge. Have no use for excellence or sagehood; a lump of soil does not miss the Way”
(Graham, Zhuangzi, p. 279-80).

In most passages Xunzi’s Shen Dao has the governmental orientation, but there’s also this:

Shen Dao had insight into “holding back” but none into “leading the way”
(Xunzi, vol. II, p. 553)

Shen Dao probably also had a cosmology and a philosophy of the self. The passages we have are the survivals of a longer work, and in the absence of an ongoing school of Shen Dao, it would seem likely that the chapters with practical applications would be the most likely to be preserved. The interpenetration of cosmology, spirituality, and principles of government that we find in many of the Chinese philosophers seems strange to us, but the Chinese state was not secular. It was supposed to be the focus of all value, including spiritual value, and for those permitted to participate in government, government service was supposed to be the most meaningful part of their life. Like Yang Zhu, Shen Dao showed his audience a way to attain detachment from government service, but what he showed was a way to attain an emotional detachment while still serving in government.

This detachment was extended to cosmology. The Sage King does not personally concern himself with us, but his normal activities bring order and make our lives peaceful and prosperous. Heaven and Earth do not care about us, but their normal activities warm us and feed us just the same. Shen Dao’s universe was as mechanistic and indifferent as his governmental system, but in both cases good things could be found within, and ultimately the serene detachment of Heaven, Earth, the Sage, and neutral bureaucrats became the model for everyone.6

Footnotes

1. Goldin, Paul R., “Persistent Misconceptions about Chinese ‘Legalism’”,  Journal of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 38, Issue 1, pages 88–104, March 2011.

2. Probably not a new kind of woman: this social transformation didn’t change women’s roles much.

3. Graft, nepotism, and usurpation have been constant problems throughout history, and the problem is found not only in government but also in the business world. In the development of trade in early modern Europe, for example, it had to be decided whether the captain of a trading ship financed by someone else was his funder’s debtor, employee, or partner, what his specific obligations were, what were his shares of the risk and the profit, and above all, how he could be kept honest. Many feel that the financial disaster of 2007 was the result of usurpation and self-dealing by financial managers (agents) at the expense of their supposed clients (principles). In Japanese history, the Shogun was an agent who had usurped the principal role of the Mikado. In Islamic history, the Sultan was an agent who had usurped the principal role of the Caliph.

4. Other appearances of qi in the Analects:

III-22-1: “Kuan Chung was a vessel of small capacity”; XIII-25: “uses them according to their capacity”; V-4  “You are a vessel – a sacrificial vessel”; XV-9 “a craftsman must first sharpen his tools”.

5. On shi , see Roger Ames, The Art of Rulership, pp. 65-108; Sunzi , tr. Giles, Ch. 5, p. 33, “Energy”; Hanfeizi, XVII:40; tr. Liao, “A Critique of the Doctrine of Position”, pp. 199-216; Guanzi II, XV:42, tr. Rickett,  pp. 129-136 “Paying attention to circumstances”; Lushi Chunqiu, 17:6 , pp. 428-33 “Heeding the Circumstances”; François Jullien, The Propensity of Things.

6.  Chad Hansen has compared Shen Dao to the Stoics. Rather unsurprisingly given that he was a successful emperor during the great age of  Rome,  Marcus Aurelius also modeled his universe on the state.

The universe should be regarded as a kind of constitutional state (4.3) ….  If that be so, the world is a kind of state. For in what other common constitution can we claim that the whole world participates? (4.4)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Allen, Sarah, and Williams, Crispin, The Guodian Laozi, Society for the Study of EarlyChina, 2000.

Ames, Roger, The Art of Rulership, SUNY, 1994 (especially pp. 65-108).

Bai Xi, Jixiaxue Yanjiu, SDX and Harvard-Yenching Academic Library, 1998.

Barrett, T.H., “On the transmission of the Shen Tzu and of the Yang Sheng Yao Chi”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 2, 1980.

http://www.jstor.org/pss/25211128

Bodde, Derk,  Review of The Shen Tzu Fragments, T’oung Pao, vol.  LXVI, 1980, #4-5 pp. 309-314.

(http://www.jstor.org/pss/4528214)

Chang, Aloysius, “A Comparative Study of Yang Chu and the Chapter on Yang Chu”, Chinese Culture, Taipei; Part I, vol. 12, #4, 1971, pp. 49-69; Part II, vol. 13, #1, l972, pp. 44-84.

Confucius, Analects, tr. Lau, Punguin,1979.

Confucius, Analects, tr. Legge, Dover, 1971.

Creel, H.G., Shen Pu-hai, Chicago, l974.

Creel, H.G., What is Taoism?,Chicago, l970.

Creel, H.G., The Origins of Statecraft in China, Vol. I,Chicago, 1970b.

Cua, Anthony, Encyclopedia of Chinese Philosophy, Routledge, 200?.

Emerson, John, “Yang Chu’s Discovery of the Body”, Philosophy East and West, Volume 46-4, October 1996, pp. 533-566.

(http://www.idiocentrism.com/china.yangchu.htm)

Emerson, John J., “Yang Chu in the History of Chinese Philosophy”, unpublished.

(http://www.idiocentrism.com/china.yanghist.htm).

Emerson, John J., “A Cynic Emperor”: http://www.idiocentrism.com/aurelius.htm

Fried, Morton, Evolution of Political Society, McGraw-Hill, 1967.

Goldin, Paul R., “Persistent Misconceptions about Chinese ‘Legalism’”,  Journal of Chinese Philosophy, Volume 38, Issue 1, pages 88–104, March 2011.

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2010.01629.x/full

Goldin, Paul R., “When Zhong Does Not Mean ‘Loyalty’”, Dao, vol. 7, pp. 165-174, 2008.

Graham, A.C., Disputers of Tao, Open Court, 1989.

Graham, A.C., Later Mohist Logic, Ethics, and Science, Chinese U. Press/SOAS, London/Hong Kong, l978.

Graham, A.C., Studies in Chinese Philosophy and Philosophical Literature, Institute of East Asian Philosophies, 1986.

Graham, A.C., Divisions in Early Mohism Reflected in the Core Chapters of Mo-tzu, Institute of East Asian Philosophies, 1985.

Guanzi, tr. W. Allyn Rickett, vol. I, C&T, 2001; vol II, Princeton, 1998 (II, XV : 42, pp. 129-136, “Paying attention to circumstances”.)

Hanfeizi, SPPY,Zhonghua Shuju,Taiwan, 1970.

Hanfeizi: The Complete works of Han Fei Tzu, tr. Liao, Probsthain, 1959 (XVII : 40; tr. Liao, “A Critique of the Doctrine of Position”, vol. II, pp. 199-216; XVII : 44; tr. Liao, “On Assumers” vol. II, pp. 216- 229).

Hansen, Chad, http://www.hku.hk/philodep/ch/shendao.htm

Hansen,Chad, “Shen Buhai” and “Shen Dao” (in Cua).

Hsu, Cho-yun, Ancient China in Transition, Stanford, 1965.

Jullien, François, The Propensity of Things, Zone, 1999.

Kirkland, Russell, Taoism, Routledge, 2004.

Lao Tzu, Tao Te Ching, tr. Lau, Hong Kong Chinese U., 1982.

Lao Tzu, Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching, tr. Henricks, Columbia, 2000.

Lao-Tzu, Te-Tao Ching, tr. Henricks, Ballantine, 1989.

Lewis, Mark Edward, Sanctioned Violence in Early China, SUNY Press, 1990.

Loewe, Michael, Review of Thompson, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (1980), 43: 399-400.

http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=3926668

Lushi Qunqiu, (The Annals of Lu Buwei),  tr. John Knoblock, Stanford, 2001 (XVII : 6 , pp. 428-33 “Heeding the Circumstances”; XIX : 6, Using Desire, pp. 496-500)..

Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, tr. Hard, Wordsworth Classics, 1997.

Mencius, tr.Lau,D.C., Penguin, 1970.

Mencius, tr. Legge, James,Dover 1970.

Mo Tzu, Works of Motse, tr. Y. P. Mei, Probsthain, 1929, Taiwan reprint.

Roth, Harold, Original Dao, Columbia, 1999.

Rubin, Vitaly, “Shen Tao and Fa-Chia”, JAOS, Vol. 94, #3, 1974, pp. 227-346. (http://www.jstor.org/pss/600068)

Rubin, Vitaly, Individual and State in Ancient China,Columbia, 1976.

Shang Yang (The Book of Lord Shang), tr. Duyvendak, J.L.L., CMCSan Francisco, 1974.

Shen Dao, Chinese Text project.

Sun Tzu, tr. Giles, Ch’eng Wen, Taipei, 1978 reprint of 1910 Shanghai ed. (especially Chapter 5, on shi*, translated “Energy”, p. 33).

Tang Chün-yi, Zhonggo Zhexue Yuanlun: Yuan Dao Bian, vol. I, Taipei, pp. 260 – 364.

Thompson, P. M., The Shen Tzu Fragments,Oxford, l979.

Thompson, P.M, A Translation of the Shen Tzu Fragments, vol. 3 of unpublished dissertation, U. Washington,Seattle.

Vandermeersch, Leon, La Formation du Legisme, Paris, l965.

Xunzi, Chinese text plus translations into English and modern Chinese by Knoblock and Zhang, Foreign Language Press / Hunan People’s Publishing House, 1999. (Volume I: VI:5, Fei Shi’erzi, pp. 125-6; Volume II: XVII:15, Tian Lun, p. 553; XXI:5, Jie Bi, p. 677).

Watson, Basic Writings of Mo Tzu, Hsun Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu, of Columbia, 1967. (Jie Bi, Watson p. 125).

Wei Zhengtong, Zhongguo Zhexue Cidian Da Quan, Chuan,Taipei, l983.

Yang , Soon-ja, “Shen Dao’s Own Voice in the Shenzi Fragments”, Dao, Volume 10, Number 2, 187-207.

Zhuangzi,Sanmin Shuju,Taiwan, 1974.

Zhuangzi: The Inner Chapters, tr. Graham, George Allen and Unwin, 1981. (Ch. 33, Tianxia, pp. 279-281).

Zhuangzi, tr. Watson,Columbia, 1968 (Ch. 33, Tianxia, pp. 369-37).

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The Structure of the Daodejing


It is widely accepted that the Daodejing, like most Zhou-era texts, was produced over a considerable period by a process of accretion– the gathering of existing units of text (possibly oral in origin) into larger bodies of discourse. It is thus the product of more than one author from more than one period, and probably also derives from more than one tradition (or from clearly contrasting phases of a single tradition).[1]  In this article I divide the Daodejing into three groups, of which two are themselves plural in origin: an early contemplative / self-cultivation group, a middle strategic-philosophical group, and a final ethical-political group which probably represents the point of view of the final editor. (I have reluctantly called the first two groups “early” and “middle”, but am not committed to any specific theory about either their dates or about the process which brought them together.)[2]

The 28 chapters in the early contemplative / self-cultivation group are poetic rather than expository and have relatively little to say about government and public life. These chapters affiliate with the anti-political Yangist tradition, with the self-cultivation tradition to which the “Nei Ye” chapter of Guanzi also belongs, and with an obscure “maternalist” tradition which produced the chapters centering on the mother and child.[3] The 38 chapters of the middle group are more philosophical and more political. They rely heavily on paradox and antithesis, and it is here that you find most of the chapters advocating ingenious political strategies. This group engages in the debates of the Hundred Schools period, and appropriating and developing themes from Shen Dao, Shen Buhai, Sunzi, the Primitivists, the School of Names, etc. The final group, which I believe represents the point of view of the final editor, persuasively advocates magnanimity and forbearance in the exercise of power, functioning as a conclusion.

I have defined these groups on the basis of the chapters’ differing forms and styles, the distribution of themes and terms among the chapters, the relationships with the other thinkers of the late fourth and early third centuries BC, comparisons between the traditional texts of the Daodejing and the recently-discovered Mawangdui and Guodian texts, and my own understanding of the developments in Chinese philosophy during the century or so beginning about 350 BC.[4]

I have limited myself to simple operations: the 15 contiguous chapters at the end were first defined as the final group, and from the remaining 66 chapters, 28 chapters (taken as wholes) were designated as the early group, with the remainder comprising the middle group. Even though the traditional chapter breaks are not found in the newly-discovered texts and have often been thought to be late additions, I did not divide any chapters; while I could have produced cleaner groups dividing a number of chapters between groups, by doing so I would have left myself open to suspicion of cherry-picking and special pleading. (But once the three groups have been defined in broad outline, certain revisions might be possible.)

The division of the text was done by trial and error over a long period. My goal was to find disjunctions and contrasting clusters — groups of themes in contrary distribution, so that when the chapters including themes and styles A, B, and C are selected for, themes D, E, and F are selected against. As I was defining each group, I looked for contrasts with its anti-group – for example, comparing chapters 67-81 (the final group) with chapters 1-66 (the non-final group), and then doing the same for the early and middle groups. The test of the method is the clustering – the density of themes that can be sorted this way. (There are also, of course, many themes found in two groups, or all three; the Daodejing is not a random assemblage).

I paid particular attention to the distributions of five key terms and phrases: Dao, the phrase “Therefore the Sage”, the Sage outside that phrase, De (Virtue), and Wuwei. The distributions of these terms proved illuminating. The phrase wuwei, for example, appears eleven times in the Daodejing, but only twice outside the middle group, while the phrase “Therefore the Sage”, which is seen 20 times in the text as a whole, is seen only twice in the early group comprising more than a third of the text.. (The Sage also is seen relatively infrequently in the Guodian text.  One of the unexpected fruits of this investigation has been a new insight into the role of the Sage in the Daodejing).

I found the final three-part division of the text quite satisfying. Many of the themes and forms of the early group were almost entirely absent from the other two groups. The final group was initially defined simply on the basis of its absence from the Guodian text and its position at the end of the traditional text, but upon examination it was found to be dominated by a single style of chapter advocating humane government, with most of the other styles and themes of the Daodejing seldom found: given the entire range of early and middle themes to choose from, the author-editor of the final group chose only a few of them. Finally, while the middle group was passively and negatively defined – not final and not early — and while it might have ended up as just an incoherent residual class of leftovers, it turned out also to have its own characteristic themes of cleverness, strategy, and paradox.

Below I will describe the final group, early group, and the middle group in that order, dealing with the final group first because it is the most easily and parsimoniously defined. In my conclusions I will address three general topics: problems with my division of the text (and possible adjustments to address these problems); an argument that the final 81-chapter text is not random and jumbled, but deliberately disperses key themes throughout the text, regardless of their origin); and final, some thoughts on the tradition and context of the DDJ.

The final group

I begin with the final group, since it is the most persuasively defined. I believe that this group was added to the text of the DDJ last, all in one chunk, and that it may all have come from a single author. The other two groups are much more heterogeneous and the definition of these groups is much more difficult and more questionable.

The Guodian Daoedejing does not include chapters 67-81. In the Mawangdui texts a cut is also made after chapter 66 — in these texts, chapters 80 and 81 appear immediately following chapter 66. This gives us a textual justification for asking whether chapters 67-81 have a special status, and I find that they do. This block of text, representing almost a fifth of the total, is quite consistent in theme and style and can be differentiated from much of the rest of the Daodejing  by the presence and absence of certain themes and forms. I believe that these chapters were the last chapters added and many of them, at least, were written by the editor who put the 81-chapter Daoedejing into its final form.[5]

Negatively, in chapters 67-81 wu-wei, stillness, namelessness, pu (simplicity), emptiness and inexhaustibility, yin-yang, qi, jing, something/nothing (and metaphysics generally), the valley, yi (oneness), and  the female, mother and child (the maternalist themes) are not seen at`all, nor are the ingenious forms of political manipulation recommended, for example, in chapters 27, 36, 49, 57, 58, and 65 of the middle group, nor are the “meditation instructions” characteristic of the early group. Positively, the Sage is much more important here, appearing twice as frequently as in the rest of the text (in 8 of 15 chapters, versus 18 of 66). The Sage also appears in the same chapter as Dao five times as frequently here as elsewhere (4 times in 15 chapters versus 3 times in 66 chapters), and when Dao and the Sage are seen together here, it’s always in the phrase Tian Dao (Dao of Heaven), which in Zhuangzi is associated with late political syncretism.[6] Outside these fifteen chapters, Dao and the Sage are in contrastive distribution and are seen in the same chapter only in chapters 34, 47 and 60 (none of which are found in the Guodian texts).

Most of the themes of the final group are also seen in the other two groups; this final group is defined mostly by its absences. These chapters are consistent in theme and style, and none of them have the patchwork heterogeneity of many of the chapters in other two group. This group consists almost entirely of persuasive advocacy for a benevolent political ethic: caution and foresight, frugality and contentment, non-contention and calmness, self-effacement and circumspection, magnanimity and forbearance. These chapters are clearly directed at rulers and those in positions of power, and war or violent death are alluded to in nine of the fifteen chapters. Rulers and nobles should be benevolent and avoid anger and killing, and they should not use threats to extract exorbitant taxes. Harsh government is the way of death, and benevolent government is the way of life. The ruler who follows these principles will live, whereas ordinary, brutal, greedy rulers will die.

Several times it is suggested that someone following the precepts of the Daoedejing will succeed in whatever he does, but it is also said more than once that the message of the Daoedejing is difficult or impossible to understand or to put into practice. This is because the message was contrary to everything its hearers believed. The target of these chapters is the proud, ambitious ruler or courtier: touchy about honor and precedence, quick to anger, without self-control, extravagant, greedy for all the pleasures of life, harsh and grasping in his relation to his subjects, and always ready to pick a fight or go to war.  This is perhaps the commonest type of Warring States ruler, and kings and officers of this type were the target of these chapters not merely as horrible examples to be condemned, but ultimately also as the audience to be persuaded. (But no special cultural sensitivity is required of Western readers here: rulers of this type are also a stock figure in our history).

Kirkland says that Hanfeizi does not cite passages from chapters 67-81, suggesting that the Guodian version might still have been circulating during his time (ca. 280 BC – 233 BC). However, chapter 67 of the Daodejing is cited in Hanfeizi’s “Jie Lao” chapter, and chapter 71 is cited in his “Yu Lao” chapter. But the final chapters, compared to the earlier chapters, speak directly against Hanfeizi’s ruthless methods, and perhaps they were added (albeit successfully) specifically for the purpose of discouraging the Legalists’ opportunistic exploitation of the DDJ.
The final group has been an ideal starting point for my investigation — partly because this group was objectively defined, without recourse to reading and interpretation, but also because it makes a satisfying unity when interpreted. There are also chapters elsewhere in the book which match these chapters in every respect except location, but I will leave them out of the story for now in order to avoid complicating my argument, and will postpone their discussion until the end of this paper.

Table 1: Final compared to non-final chapters

This group does not include the phrase wuwei; Dao and virtue are seen a little more than two-thirds as frequently as they are in the rest of the book, and the Sage is seen almost twice as frequently.

Group Dao SYSR Sage (alone) De (Virtue) Wuwei
DDJ final group: 15/81 chapters 5/15 6/15 2/15 2/15 0/15
33%. 40%. 13%. 13%. 0%.
DDJ non-final group: 66/81 chapters 32/66 14/66 5/66 12/66 11/66
48% 21% 8% 18% 17%

Table 2: Dao and the Sage in the Final Chapters

The Sage (alone or in the formula “Therefore the Sage”) and Dao are five times more likely to be seen together in the same chapter (always as part of the phrase Dao of Heaven) in than final group than they are in the rest of the DDJ. In the final group’s anti-group (chapters 1-66) Dao and the Sage are seen together in chapters 34 (some texts), 47 (with Tian Dao), and 60, and Tian Dao is seen without the Sage in chapter 9.

Group Dao Sage (all appearances) Dao and Sage in the same chapter Dao of Heaven (Tian Dao)
DDJ final group: 15/81 chapters 5/15 8/15 4/15 4/15
33%. 53%. 27% 27%
DDJ non-final group: 66/81 chapters 32/66 19/66 3/66 2/66
48% 29% 5% 3%

The early group

My proposed early group consists of chapters 1, 4, 5, 6 and 7; chapters 10, 16, and 28; chapters 13, 30, and 31; chapters 14, 15, 20, 21, and 25; chapters 32-35 and 37; and chapters 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, and 59 — 28 chapters in all, or a little more than a third of the DDJ. (The subgroups will be explained below).

My final group is parsimoniously defined, and it could be justified in terms of evidence from the Guodian and Mawangdui manuscripts together with a plausible theory of the history of the text. Furthermore, once the group had been defined, it was found to have a gratifying distinctiveness and internal consistency in style and theme, elaborating on a limited number of the Daodejing’s major themes while avoiding many others.

The early group, however, is irregularly distributed throughout the first 59 chapters, and it was defined from the start in terms of styles and themes, so my choices might be suspected of subjectivity, arbitrariness, or circularity. The main test of this early group will be whether or not the chapters I have somewhat arbitrarily chosen form a coherent cluster whose themes and styles have some internal consistency and can be seen to contrast significantly with those of the rest of the DDJ.

My first test was the distribution of the terms “Dao”, “Therefore the Sage”, the Sage outside that phrase, “De” (virtue), and “wuwei”. The distribution of these words and phrases is, in fact, distinctly different in the early group than in the remainder of the DDJ or in the final group. De (Virtue) is seen about twice as frequently in the 28 early chapters as in the other 53 chapters, and Dao about 50% more frequently. By contrast, the phrases “Therefore the Sage” and “wuwei” are seen about a fifth and a fourth as frequently, respectively, in this early group as in the other 53 chapters. For every appearance of the phrase “Therefore the Sage”, in the early group there are 3.5 appearances of the word “Virtue”, whereas in the remaining 53 chapters, for every appearance of the word “virtue there are about 2.5 appearances of the phrase “Therefore the Sage” – a factor of almost 9.

Most of the early chapters are poetic — not didactic poetry, but meditations (“meditation instructions” in Lafargue’s words) or hymns. There is little of the persuasive rhetoric which predominates in the final group, and few traces of Hundred Schools argumentation. There are few discussions of methods of government — chapters 13, 30, and 31 warn against the pursuit of military glory, and chapters 32-5 and 37 hint that the follower of Dao will become powerful and successful, but there are no specific political practices or strategies described. The female, mother, and child are found almost exclusively in this group, and likewise the word gui (“go home” or “return to”) and the poetic metaphysics of the elusiveness and inexhaustibility of Dao. All of the chain sequences (“Aà B, Bà C”…..) are here, almost all of the uses of the vocatives xi or hu, and most of the praises of the life-giving and life-preserving powers of Dao.

I have divided this group into subgroups. Chapters 13, 30, and 31 condemn war and seem to trace back to Yang Zhu’s original break from court life, ambition, government service, and war. (These  chapters have been transmitted in a rather garbled form, which makes me wonder whether they might trace back to the origins of Yangism). Chapters 1, 4, 5, 6, and 7 emphasize the elusiveness and inexhaustibility of Dao, with chapter 7 also connecting with the nurture-of-life theme (as does chapter 1, in fact). Chapters 10, 16, and 28 are meditation instructions, and chapters 10 and 28 are grouped together because they share rhymes. Chapters 14, 15, 20, 21, and 25 are also poetic meditations; they especially emphasize confusion (hun, huhuang, etc.) and elusiveness.   Chapters 50, 51, 52, 55, and 56 seem to form a group, and these chapters emphasize vitality and the nurturing of life. Chapters 32, 34, 35, and 37 talk about long life, permanence, and the power of Dao. Finally, chapters 33, 54, and 59 seem to have little to say about the major themes of the DDJ, but I have called them early because they don’t seem to fit into the other two groups either, and their location and style make them seem to belong with chapters 32, 34, 35 and 37 or with chapters 50, 51, 52, 55, and 56.

It is my theory that the early group traces back to Yang Zhu, whose refusal of public service and break with the Chinese ritual state marks the beginning of the recluse tradition in China. (If Yang Zhu existed: he may just be a legendary figure drafted into service as the founder of a movement). Rather than to risk their lives contending for glory and high position in the state service, Yangists remained in private life and “cultivated the self” (or the body). Yang Zhu, if he actually existed, probably did not offer a fully-elaborated teaching; his contribution was probably just this break away from state service toward private life. There were many kinds of Yangists, including both contemplatives and hedonists. The DDJ represents the contemplatives, and chapters 7, 50, and 75 probably are aimed at hedonist Yangists who “set too much store on life” — that is, who live too extravagantly.

The cultivation of the body involved meditation, physical disciplines, and attention to diet, and they were grounded in a dynamic universe of fertility and vitality. The origins of these practices are obscure and somewhat controversial but it is thought that they were developed within a regional tradition of medical-religious self-care distinct from the known Warring States philosophical schools. Harold Roth has persuasively argued that that part of the DDJ and several chapters of the Guanzi, notably the “Nei Ye” chapter, came from this tradition. If there is a distinction, chapters 7, 50, 51, 52, 55, and 56 seem especially directed toward the cultivation of life, while chapters 1, 4, 5, 6, 10, 14, 15, 20, 21, 25, and 28 are more like guides to meditation.

Finally, Russell Kirkland has argued that what he calls the “maternalist” voice in the Daodejing, centering on the female and on the mother and child (not mentioned in the Nai Ye), originates with still a third, very obscure, tradition. In the early group, the maternalists are represented in chapters 6, 10, 20, 25, 28, 52, and 55.[7]

These may have been three separate traditions which eventually joined (Yangist, Nei Ye, and maternalist) or just three strains or phases within a single tradition, but that question is not critical. While I have to some degree correlated my analysis of the DDJ with my theory of the history of the text and my speculations about who produced it, I try not to keep these theories and speculations somewhat vague.

Table 3: Early chapters compared to non-early chapters

Dao Therefore the Sage (SYSR) Sage (alone) De (Virtue) Wuwei
Early layer (28 chapters) 16/28 2/28 2/28 7/28 2/28
% 57%. 7%. 7%. 25%. 7%.
Non-early (53 chapters) 21/53 18/53 5/53 7/53 9/53
% 40% 34% 9% 13% 17%

Table 4: Key themes in the early group

Early Middle Final
Mother, woman, female 1 6 10 20 25 28 59 61
Child, baby 10 20 28 52 55 49?
The One, oneness 10 14 22 39 42
Emptiness, fullness 4 5 15 16 20 52 56 11 22 39 45
Elusiveness of Dao, confusion 1 4 6 14 15 20 21 25 35 56 58 65
Inexhaustibility of Dao 4 5 6 35 52 45 81
Long life, endurance, permanence 7 16 30 33 50 54 55 59 24 44
*Vocative or rhetorical  xi /  hu / xie 4  6 7 10 14 15 20 21 25  34 17
Chain sequence 16 25 52 55 59
Tian Di (Heaven and Earth) 1 5 6 7 25 32 37 23
Gui (return, go home) 14 16 20 28 34 52 22, 60
Beginning (shi /) / Mother (shi / mu now, but then lhə: / mə). 1 52
Female /  blemish / son / valley rhyme on -e 10 28

The middle group

The middle group is passively and negatively defined. It is the leftover non-early / non-final part, consisting of chapters 2, 3, 8, 9, 11, 12, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 35, 38-49, 53, 57, 58, and 60-66 — 38 chapters in all, or a bit less than half of the book. The test of this group will be whether it perceptibly contrasts with each of the other two groups, and whether it can be positively defined in terms of its own cluster of themes. It meets both of these tests.

At the same time, there is unfinished business here. As many as ten chapters probably could be moved to the final group without changing the identity of either group except to make them contrast more sharply, and as many as five chapters might be moved into the early group with the same result. This would give us a breakdown of 33 early / 23 middle/25 final, with all groups better defined than the present groups. Furthermore, a considerable number of chapters might reasonable be divided and assigned to different groups. I have not done these things because I wanted to make my division based on a smallest possible number of operations on the text. I will return to this question at the end.

The phrase “Therefore the Sage….” is seen here six times as frequently it is in the early group, and 9 of the DDJ’s 11 appearances of the term wuwei are seen here. Non-contention (bu zheng), being and nothing (wu / you), and the long sequences of paradoxes and antitheses are mostly seen here. It is also in the chapters of this section that affinities can be found with the Primitivists, Shen Dao, Shen Buhai, Sunzi, and the School of Names — this is the Hundred Schools group within the DDJ.

It is in this group that you find clever strategic thinking for which the DDJ is famous. In a practical sense it is asserted that normal ways of attaining success are so self-defeating that if you use the opposite of these strategies you will do well. Instead of pushing yourself, stand back. Instead of trying for fame, try for obscurity. Instead of taking, give. Instead of fighting, remain peaceful. This is also where the nature of the Sage is most clearly developed, and where the strategies of indirection and deception are seen, and  where it is argued that the wisdom of the Sage allows him, without harm, to employ inferior men to achieve his goals (something directly contrary to the Confucian and Mohist teachings).

Behind the practical paradoxes lie a metaphysics of reversal, compensation, cyclic repetition, namelessness, being and nothing (presence and absence, existence and non-existence) and the mutual implication of opposites. This is the part which a contemporary technical philosopher would find most interesting.

Table 5: Middle-group chapters compared to non-middle-group chapters

Wuwei is seen six times more frequently in the middle group than it is elsewhere in the DDJ, and the phrase “Therefore the Sage” is seen significantly more frequently.

Dao SYSR Sage (alone) De (Virtue) Wuwei
Middle Group (38 Chapters) 16/38 12/38 3/38 5/38 9/38
42% 32% 8% 13% 24%
Non-middle (43 chapters) 20/43 8/43 4/43 9/43 2/43
47% 19% 9% 21% 5%

Table 6: middle-group themes

Middle Early Final Guodian
Wuwei 2 3 36 43 47 48 57 63 64 10 37 2 57 63 64
Paradox sequence 2 22 27 29 36 41 45 57 68 69 73 2 57
Reversal 22 39 40 42 57 58 65 25 74 78 40 57
Non-contention 3 8 22 66 68 81 66
Wu / you 2 11 40 43 2 40
Primitivism 3 12 17 18 19 53 57 64 75 80 17 18 19 57 64
45 in 26 chapters (of8) 4  in 4 chapters (of 28) 11 in 10 chapters (of 15) 20 in 9 chapters (of 31)

Problems and adjustments

Three questions naturally arise: How can we be sure that the Daodejing consists of three and only three groups?” “How do we be sure that all chapters have been assigned to the correct group?” “How can we be sure that every chapter of the Daodejing belongs to one and only one group, and can’t be divided?”

The short answer to all of these questions is that we can’t. Not only can we not be sure that my dissection of the text is the only good one, we can be sure that there are other dissections of the text which are (in many respects) equally valid. Not every other way of dividing the Daodejing is equally valid, but some of them are: those which account for the contrasting clusters of themes that I have found.

Given these clusters, I could have divided the text into two, four, or many parts, and I could even have arranged them in a continuum, with similar chapters adjacent to one another. I have, in fact, worked out a two-part division, but I think that the final and middle groups are distinctive enough to justify three parts. (Though maybe my final group is just a subgroup within the middle group….)

As for which chapter goes where: many chapters in the middle group are completely consistent in every way with the final group, and given my understanding of the final editor’s methods (see the next section), it seems quite reasonable to suppose that he distributed his chapters throughout the book. The chapters which I think could be moved are the Primitivist chapters (3, 12, 17, 18, 19, and 53),  which fit in well with Primitivist chapters 75 and 80 in the final layer, and chapters 29, 64, and 65, which both thematically and formally resemble the chapters of the final layer. This would give us a more evenly divided text: 28 chapters + 29 chapters + 24 chapters.

Finally, the early layer could be cleaned up by dividing several chapters. The Guodian text specifically justifies dividing chapters 5, 16, 20, and 52, all of which are seen in very partial form. This would take away both appearances of the freestanding Sage in the early group, in chapters 5 and 20. In chapters 16 and 52 it’s the chain sequence (aà b, b à c….) which is left out, and the chain sequences in chapters 25, 55, and 59 might also be moved. In the early and middle groups there are a large number of other chapters whose connection to the sayings which begin or end them is uncertain, so that they might be detachable.

Many of my specific choices here have been motivated by the needs of presentation. I have tried to work as economically as possible in order to make my work easier to follow and harder to question. I already thought that a more aggressive approach was justified, but I wasn’t confident that readers would agree. The real point of this argument is the disjunct clusters and their relation to the history of the text of the Daodejing and the history of Daoism, and their significance for our interpretation of the Daodejing. Many of the specifics are of secondary importance.

This may seem excessively cute, but I think that there is a Daoist lesson about knowledge and no-knowledge here. Partly because our knowledge of the historical context of the DDJ is so scanty, our knowledge is necessarily very incomplete, and it would be a mistake to argue too much about which division to favor, or about the ontological status and precise origins of the text groups decided upon, or about the specific nature of the community that produced the book, and so on. I have done what I could to sideline these questions. The important question is whether the three disjunct clusters, early, middle, and late, are really there in the text. (Or is the later group just a subgroup of the middle group?…..)

The composition of the Daodejing

The rationale for the sequence of passages and chapters in the 81-chapter DDJ is not immediately evident, and it has often been thought concluded that the text was haphazardly assembled, or that an originally intelligible text was damaged. This assumption underlies many of the attempts at rearrangement.

However, the selection of texts had to have been very deliberately done. The fact that there’s very little unfamiliar material in the Guodian text (possibly none if the pieces at the end of the C bundle are a different work) indicates that already by that time, even before the 81-chapter version had been gathered together, some sort of accepted authority was deciding what would be taken into what was to become the DDJ, and what not. Even though three groups are distinguishable in the present text, there are many themes common to all three chapters – for example, frugality, cautious, foresight, benevolence, and especially selflessness. And even though there are many themes specific to only one  group, these group-specific themes are not entirely unrelated to the themes of the other groups. For example, the mother (early group) can easily be symbolically associated with nothingness (wu), water, the lower position, etc., in the other two groups.  The resonance between its various themes is part of the power of the DDJ. However different they may be in various ways, the parts of the DDJ do cohere.

As for the sequence if the passages, there’s obviously no orderly development from premises to conclusion. Themes bob up suddenly and unexpectedly, disappear, and then resurface again many chapters later.  To follow a specific theme you have to skip through the text gathering the relevant passages wherever you find them, and even so, these passages will not fit in a beginning-to-end sequence, but will just develop the theme over and over again, but each time slightly differently.

While oral transmission was probably involved in the text’s dissemination, I doubt that the DDJ was ever unwritten and strictly oral. However I think that the theory that the repetition and discontinuity were deliberately intended to give the hearer a mix of unexpected new ideas, and restatements of ideas had been heard before, is the key to understanding how the text was made.

The final editor was quite aware of the diversity of the material, but rather than sorting the text by kind putting like things together,  he distributed the various sorts of writing fairly evenly so that readers or hearers would, on the one hand, be forced to imagine the connections between seemingly-disparate strands of the text (“What does this have to do with that?”), and on the other hand, frequently be reminded of distant passages (“Haven’t I read something like that before?”). Discontinuity and repetitions are deliberately used to produce an effect of puzzlement. The DDJ is not a book to read once and then know, but a book to keep going back to.

The DDJ is made up of proverbs, philosophical and devotional poems, speculations on language, logic, and ontology, descriptions of political and governmental strategies, and persuasive expositions of a humane political ethics. These aspects are not sorted, but mixed together, and each of them is intended to reinforce the others. And it is because of the interweaving and resonances that what might be thought to be a disorganized collection of aphorisms and poems can be treated as unified and even systematic even though it has (like theYijing) no real beginning or end.

Is there an structure to be seen in the 81-chapter text as a whole? I think that there is. Chapter 1 and chapter 38 seem introductory, and chapters 37, 79, and 81 seem like endings. (Chapters 67-81, of course, are the greater ending.) they are not beginnings and endings in the logical sense of premises and conclusions, but in the rhetorical sense of opening and closing statements. The early layer is scattered through the book, usually in chunks rather than as single chapters. Some of the more difficult transitions, for example the incoherent chapter 20, might be the just product of arbitrary chapter divisions, or they might also be the consequence of the fact that the final editor was working with a given body of text which all had to be included, so that places had to be found somewhere or another for everything.

Some of the chapters seem to be specifically designed to knit things together. I believe that this chapter was given its prominent place near the beginning of the text in order to present as many of the various strands of the DDJ as possible all in one chapter. This chapter echoes seventeen other chapters in the Daodejing, and its paradox sequences and the phrases wuwei and “Therefore the sage” link it to a couple of dozen more. (Chapter 57 is structured similarly).

Chapter 2

Elsewhere in the Daodejing

The whole world recognizes the beautiful to be beautiful, yet this is only the ugly. Between good and evil, how great the distance? Chapter 20
Something and nothing produce one another…. Something and nothing are contrasted: Chapters 11, 40, and 43.Similar sequences of paradoxes: 10 other chapters.
It accomplishes the task yet   lays claim to no merit…. Similar passages: Chapters 9, 17, 34, and 77
Note and sound harmonize with one another…..       The great note is rarified in sound: Chapter 41
It gives them life yet claims no possession…..            Similar passages: Chapters 10, 51, and 77.
Therefore the sage keeps to the deed that consists of taking no action (wuwei) and practices the teaching that uses no words…… “No words”: chapters 43 and 73. Teaching: chapters 17, 56 and 81. Wuwei “no action” is seen in 10 other chapters.
Therefore the Sage…..  This introductory formula is seen in 19 other chapters.

Conclusion

I have refrained from speculation to the extent possible, but we at least need a plausible narrative of how the 81-chapter text came to be. I will now speculate. Based on what I see in the text, the history of the school of the Daodejing might have gone somewhat as follows. Sometime fairly early in the fourth century BC members of the nobility started withdrawing themselves from public service to take a more humble place in the world. In their new situation they devoted themselves to private life, variously defined.

Some of them became involved in the spiritual practices (which included meditation and physical disciplines) which are described in the Nei Ye, and through these disciplines they learned to calm or extinguish the obsessions, phobias, rages, and cravings characteristic of ambitious and worldly men. Their separation from court life was never complete, and as the advantages of the new life became apparent, worldly individuals still involved in court life started taking an interest in these practices. The exercise of calming their own minds helped them locate the weak spots of their still-obsessive competitors at court, and the new hybrid spiritual courtiers earned a reputation for cunning.

As time went on, passages providing tips for courtiers and princes was added to the original collection of devotional texts (or to an truncated version of this collection). These collections of  tips became part of the Hundred Schools debates, and the Laoists traded ideas back and forth with the sophists from the other schools. Finally, presumably as a response to abuses of this political Dao, one member of the community added new chapters emphasizing the humane aspects of the teaching, and at around the same time, someone (possibly same man) the gathered the scattered materials then available and worked them into a single text, which eventually became authoritative.


Notes

[1] William Boltz, “The Composite Nature of Early Chinese Texts”, in Text and Ritual in Early China, ed. Martin Kern, U. Washington, 2005, pp.50-78.

[2] Some time ago I published a first, not terribly satisfactory attempt at sorting things out: John Emerson, “A Stratification of Lao Tzu”, Journal of Chinese Religions, Volume 23, Fall1995, pp. 1-28.

[3] Harold Roth, Original Dao, Columbia, 1999; Russell Kirkland, Taoism: The Enduring Tradition, Routledge, 2004, pp. 39-67.

[4]  John Emerson, “Yang Chu’s Discovery of the Body”, Philosophy East and West, Volume 46, #4, October, 1996, pp 533-566; John Emerson, “Yang Zhu in the History of Chinese Philosophy”, unpublished.

[5] Both chapter 79 and chapter 81 have a valedictory tone. Perhaps the chapters now numbered 80 and 81 were first tacked on to chapters 1-66 to form the ending of Part One of the MWD-text DDJ, with chapters 67-79 later added to make chapter 79 the new ending, until finally it was decided to make chapters 80-81 the ending again. But there are many other possibilities.

[6] A. C. Graham, tr., Chuang Tzu: The Inner Chapters, Allen and Unwin, 1981, pp. 257-63.

[7] In their books about the goddesses of the Han and Tang eras, Schafer and Cahill speculate about the existence of this tradition, but don’t say much about it.

Published in: on March 28, 2012 at 6:32 pm  Leave a Comment  

The difference between Leopold Bloom and Fiorello LaGuardia is that LaGuardia wasn’t Catholic.

When James Joyce arrived in Austrian-controlled Trieste in 1904 at the age of 22, the American consul thereabouts was future NYC mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, also aged 22, who remained at that post for another couple of years.

Like Leopold Bloom, LaGuardia was of Hungarian Jewish descent (on his mother’s side). Unlike Leopold Bloom, LaGuardia was raised as an Episcopalian in Arizona.

UPDATE: It turns out that Leopold Bloom was a Christian too. Bloom’s father had been converted to Irish Protestantism by The Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews,  an Anglican evangelical group, and the church he joined was the Anglican-affiliated Church of Ireland,  just as the church LaGuardia’s father joined in order to marry Leopold’s mother had been the Anglican-affiliated American Episcopal Church. Then, in order to marry Molly, Leopold left the Church of Ireland to become Catholic. That’s something that LaGuardia, the son of an atheist, never did.

Published in: on December 5, 2011 at 2:56 pm  Leave a Comment  

Some more interesting articles

Richard Hocks, “Daisy Miller, Backward into the Past”, Henry James Review I, Winter 1980, 164-78.

Motley Deakin, “Two Studies of Daisy Miller, Henry James Review, 5, Fall 1983, 2-28.

Bénichou, Paul. “Jeune-France et Bousingots: Essai de mise au point.” Revue d’histoire littéraire de la France71, (May-June 1971): 439-62.

Seemingly not on internet:

Richard D. Beards, “Stereotyping in Modern American Fiction: Some Solitary Swedish Madmen.” Moderna Sprak, 63 (1969): 329-37. (No link)

Published in: on November 22, 2011 at 11:04 am  Leave a Comment  

Final report on “Daisy Miller” Scholarship

Go to: http://haquelebac.wordpress.com/2011/08/16/why-did-henry-james-kill-daisy-miller/

Published in: on November 5, 2011 at 1:00 am  Leave a Comment  

Shen Buhai and the Daodejing

Laozi text

Shen Buhai fragments

Nei Ye chapter

Shen Buhai (ca.400 BC – ca. 337 BC) was the chief minister of the small state of Han. The legalist philosopher Hanfeizi (280 BC- 233 BC), a member of the Han ruling family, regarded Shen Buhai and his approximate contemporaries Shang Yang and Shen Dao to be the three main sources of legalist philosophy. Biographical data from that era is scanty and unreliable, but I think that we may conclude that Shen Buhai was two or three generations older than Hanfeizi and that he left writings that Hanfeizi regarded as significant. Shen Buhai’s doctrines were important in the early Han dynasty and probably also earlier during the Qin dynasty, but after Han Wudi established Confucianism as the state religion, followers of Shen Buhai were barred from public office. Partly as a result, few of his writings survive.

At the time when the Daodejing was thought to have been written by Laozi around 500 BC, it was assumed that Shen Buhai and Shen Dao had borrowed Laozi’s ideas, but now that we think that the Daodejing was written and edited in stages between about 350 BC and about 250 BC, mutual influence or influence in the other direction seems more likely, and that is my assumption here. My sources is H.G. Creel’s 1974 edition of fragments by and about Shen Buhai, but many of these are doubtful and in the end I used only passages from the chapter 大體 “Major Principles”, ascribed to Shen Buhai in Wei Zheng’s 羣書治要 Qunshi Zhiyao of 631 AD, plus two others from Tang dynasty works. (more…)

Published in: on October 30, 2011 at 2:07 pm  Leave a Comment  

The Sage in the Daodejing II

Earlier piece* Still earlier pieceManyul Im thread * Tang Dynasty Times thread * 不害 “not harm” * 不傷  “not hurt” * 聖 “sage” * Shen Dao

In the classic Chinese texts the “sage” 聖人was the highest category of human excellence. The sages were the legendary past rulers and founders (e.g. Wen Wang or the Duke of Zhou) together with hoped-for future saviors of equal merit. Both Confucius and Mencius demurred on their disciples’ suggestions that they were Sages, though Mencius did declare that Confucius was indeed a sage. The translation “sage” is not va very good one: the English word “sage” normally refers to a wise elder, but the Chinese sages were not only wise, but also holy and powerful, the founders or rulers of states, and their sageliness was apparent while they were still in their prime.

The Sage in Confucius and Mencius

The Sage is seen 26 times in the text of Laozi, but 18 or 19 of those appearences are within the phrase “Therefore the sage….” which is generally thought to be an editorial or authorial formula used to construct chapters by adding endings to them. The Sage is seen outside this formula in chapter 5, 19, 28, 49, 60, 66, 71, and 81, and of these appearances the ones in chapters 5, 28, 49, 60, 66, and 81 are most useful. (For Chapter 19, see Appendix I). (more…)

Published in: on October 23, 2011 at 9:44 pm  Leave a Comment  

Shen Dao in the Daodejing

Text of Shen Dao.

Translation of Shen Dao (slightly different text.)

Many passages in the Daodejing remarkably resemble passages in Shen Dao. The dating of the Daodejing (which was produced in stages) is only approximate (roughly 350 BC to 250 BC is my guess), and the dating of Shen Dao is also uncertain, though he is thought to have  flourished sometime before 300 BC, making him senior to the final contributors to the Daodejing.

In this piece I have assumed that these late contributors to were responding to and developing themes found in Shen Dao. I think that it’s more likely that the Daodejing philosophizes practical wisdom from sources like Shen Dao, Shen Buhai, and Sunzi than it is that the pure truths of philosophy informed political and military strategy. Furthermore, some passages in the Daodejing seem to assume and refer back to fuller statements in Shen Dao. The Daodejing does not necessarily perfectly agree with Shen Dao said; I only claim that the Daodejing author was familiar with the works of Shen Dao and developed them.

Below are seven groups of parallel passages, followed by my conclusions. 

資苞畜

Cherish your materials

Thompson (p. 527) recognizes the relationship between Shen Tao F35 and chapter 27 of the Daodejing. This is one of the cases when the expression of a theme in the Daoedejiing seems to refer back to a fuller statement of the theme elsewhere,  in Shen Dao in this case. The use of the same key words in all four passages makes coincidence almost impossible.

是以大君因民之能為資

盡苞而畜之

無去取焉

So the great ruler accepts the people’s capacities as his material , and protects and cares for all of them without favoring or rejecting any.

Shen Dao F35

是以聖人常善救人

故無棄人….

不善人者善人之資

Hence the sage is always good at saving people, and so abandons no one…. the bad man is the material for the good man.

Daodejing chapter 27 (more…)

Published in: on October 22, 2011 at 6:36 pm  Comments (4)  

The Worthy in the Daodejing

The worthy 賢 in ancient Chinese texts

In Chinese philosophy the 賢, usually translated “worthy”, is a man of great merit (but not from the royal family or from one of the ruling noble families) who is brought to the ruler’s attention and appointed to high position. (Often worthies were descended from the nobility of conquered and abolished states). “Promoting the worthy” 尚賢 was a key doctrine of the Mohist school, but something like it was also advocated by Confucians. The goal, especially in the case of the Mohists, was a kind of meritocracy which would weaken the ruling families’ stranglehold on power and make government more responsive to the needs of the people.

The worthy was assumed to be competent and morally upright, and in the Confucian but not the Mohist case, also a master of all aspects of the Zhou cultural tradition. Once promoted, the amply rewarded worthy would serve as an example for others to emulate and would diligently encourage them to improve themselves. The worthy is outranked only by the Sage. (more…)

Published in: on October 18, 2011 at 6:43 pm  Comments (1)  
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